‘WHY is the ICC not doing anything about the
Rohingya?!’
This
is a question I’ve seen a lot from different Burma activists in the past few
years.
And
when the International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School recently released
a report
concluding that genocide might be
happening in Burma against the Rohingya my twitter feed blew up again with
many indignantly calling on the International Criminal Court to start an
investigation.
Because
I am a firm believer in international criminal justice and an avid supporter of
the ICC (despite its flaws) I want to
explain why a possible investigation into the situation is not actually up to
the ICC, and why an ICC investigation might not necessarily be the most
appropriate way to protect the Rohingya.
Don’t
get me wrong, I do believe there should be an ICC investigation and I agree
that genocide might be ongoing (or at the very least crimes against humanity).
However, it is important for people to understand who to address their criticism to and what an ICC investigation
actually means in terms of protection.
The
Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority, are one of the most persecuted minorities
in the world. It is estimated that roughly about 1-2 million Rohingya live in
Burma, while about 250,000 live as, mostly unregistered, refugees in
Bangladesh. The Rohingya are not recognized as citizens in Burma by the 1982
Citizenship Law, and despite the fact that the Rohingya have been living in
Burma for centuries
the government and most people consider them illegal immigrants from
Bangladesh. The Rohingya have long suffered discrimination
by the government; they are unable to move, marry, or find jobs without
obtaining government permits or paying bribes, and are systematically subjected
to arbitrary arrests, forced labor, violence, forced displacement and eviction,
among other human rights violations.
In July 2012 violence broke out between Buddhists and
Rohingya in Burma’s Rakhine (Arakan) State. The violence quickly turned deadly
and swept over the entire State, with attacks on the Rohingya by Rakhine
Buddhists and some counter-attacks by the Rohingya on the Buddhists, with the
Burmese government seemingly both unwilling and unable to do anything to stop
it. This has led to many Rohingya now being forced to live in squalid
conditions in camps, for ‘their own protection’, where they lack both adequate
food and basic healthcare. (For more on this, see my earlier post ‘Burma’s
Rohingya Policy – a Slow Burning Genocide’)
The
current situation would seem like the perfect opportunity for the ICC to launch
an investigation into possible crimes committed in Burma. However, while the
persecution of the Rohingya and the recent violence would probably constitute
at least crimes against humanity, and therefore technically fall under the
jurisdiction of the ICC, it doesn’t mean that the Court has jurisdiction over
this specific situation.
According
to Article 15 of the Rome
Statute, the ICC Prosecutor has proprio
motu powers, meaning he or she may initiate an investigation on his or her
own initiative.
However,
ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda can only
use her proprio motu powers if the
state where the crimes have happened is a party to the Rome Statute. A
quick look at the ICC’s website
(or even Wikipedia for that matter) confirms that Burma is not a state party to
the ICC. This also means that another state party can’t refer the
situation, as would otherwise be possible through Article 14 of the Rome
Statute. Therefore, the ICC as an institution can’t be blamed for not
investigating the situation in Burma – it simply does not have jurisdiction.
The
only way for the ICC to have jurisdiction over a situation like the one in
Burma would be through a referral by the
UN Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter (meaning the
situation must be a threat to international peace and security), as allowed by
Article 13 of the Rome Statute. It is therefore important to realize that any
criticism at the lack of an investigation in Burma by the ICC should be
directed, at least for the moment, at the UNSC – not at the ICC itself.
There
are also reasons why an ICC
investigation might not necessarily provide the urgent protection the
Rohingya so desperately need.
First
of all, it is important to understand that the ICC is about personal accountability
for crimes, not protection against human rights violations. As a criminal court
it provides post-facto justice and
there is little to suggest that a UNSC referral would act as a catalyst for
sudden government interest in the protection of the Rohingya. As such, a
referral may in the end provide victims with some measure of justice, but it
will not offer immediate protection. If the goal is accountability for past
crimes, the ICC might be the right way to go, but if it is about ending the
violence and the persecution against the Rohingya, it is probably not the most
efficient way.
Second,
clearly for the Rohingya time is of the essence. However, lobbying members of
the UNSC would take considerable time. And considering the situation in Syria, which
occupied most of the UNSC’s time at the moment, and the international
community’s lack of action or even criticism regarding the situation for the
Rohingya, such a referral is highly
unlikely.
Also,
even if a referral is made, the ICC’s
own process, investigation to prosecution and judgment, will take years. Given
these considerations, it may be better to put lobbying efforts towards
convincing the international community to put pressure on the Burmese
government, than to go through the drawn-out process of a UNSC referral to the
ICC.
I am
convinced of the importance of the ICC and a supporter of its work. As a Burma
activist I would also welcome a UNSC referral of the situation in Burma, as
justice and accountability seem impossible to come by at the national level. I
am also deeply convinced that something has to be done, and soon, to solve the
Rohingya issue in Burma.
However,
I would ask my fellow activists for the Rohingya cause to think about what it
is they are trying to achieve with an ICC referral. If their goal is protect
the Rohingya and to improve the situation on the ground, it may be better to
lobby foreign governments to exert real pressure on their Burmese counterparts
to actually take steps to find a solution to the issue. This will of course
also take a lot of time and effort, but might not only be faster than the ICC
road, but might provide some actual protection.
The ICC is certainly not a cure-all to the
violence and persecution faced by the Rohingya in Burma, and should not be
expected to alone serve as a solution.